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Outline
Chapter 1
Chapter 2
Chapter 3
Chapter 4
Chapter 5
Chapter 6
Chapter 7
Chapter 8
Chapter 9
Chapter 10
Chapter 11
Chapter 12
Chapter 13
Chapter 14
Chapter 15
Chapter 16
Chapter 17
Chapter 18
Chapter 19
Chapter 20
Chapter 21
Chapter 22
Chapter 23
Chapter 24
Chapter 25
Answers
Reading

Chapter 23. 

Shinshu's Precedence of Spirit Over Form

A major contemporary complaint concerning the traditional religions is their lack of real spirit and the dominance of form, ceremony, or doctrine. There is, among people everywhere today, a great emphasis on having an experience, a liberating experience of some reality. There is, I believe, a deep thirst for inner awareness of truth. Often, however, the search for this truth becomes diverted or distorted through lack of spiritual training and insight. Consequently, people travel from group to group, practice to practice, seeming never to find what they desire. It is thus most productive to re-inspect the teaching of Shinran for the guidance he may give on this problem, since in his own time and situation, he too was unable to gain a sense of depth and meaning from the Buddhism he practiced.

When we observe the development of the Pure Land tradition, we can see that it was really an attempt to spiritualize Buddhism, which had become a monopoly of the aristocrats and scholars, and come to pride itself on complicated procedures of discipline, on elegant ritual, on temple architecture, and on a philosophy as complicated as the disciplines. The stunning contribution of Honen and Shinran, along with other Kamakura Buddhists, was their attempt, despite the risks involved to penetrate through this exterior to the real spirit that gives life to Buddhism.

Heian Buddhism is outstanding for its aesthetic character. Yet the motivation for this art came from aristocrats who employed it as a demonstration of their social power and personal interests. It was a part of their exploitation of the common people from whom they exacted wealth in order to advance both their own worldly and other-worldly interests. Even so, Buddhism was not totally devoid of a deeper meaning in that era.

In the Nara (710-94) and Heian period (794-1185) there were glimmers of an alternative approach, and of a deeper aspiration in Buddhism, demonstrated by great monks such as Dosho and Gyogi who engaged in philanthropic works, going among the people, building wells, roads, bridges, hospitals, etc., as well as offering Buddhism as consolation. Gyogi himself was banished for his efforts. In the Heian era, Kuya Shonin and Ryonin developed Pure Land teachings which they presented to the people in the marketplaces. They tried to bring Buddhism down from the mountains to the plains where the people lived. Their's and Gyogi's were, however, isolated voices attempting to rescue Buddhism, as well as the people, from bondage of social class and privilege.

In the Kamakura period (1185-1332), Honen's remarkable social analysis rejected wealth, intellect or religious capacity as the basis for salvation. Although he was criticized by the monks on Mount Hiei for neglecting the concept of Bodhi-mind in teaching Buddhism among the common people, this was actually an aspect of his opening faith to ordinary persons who could not conjure up the specific attitudes of mind required to make discipline effective. Honen believed that merely reciting the Nembutsu would lead naturally to the arising of the necessary spiritual attributes that had been so assiduously and meticulously cultivated for the accumulation of merit by the powerful aristocracy and the intellectuals in the monasteries, who were usually from aristocratic families themselves.

Shinran followed Honen's path, attempting to answer traditional Buddhism's criticisms of Pure Land without going backward to demand the prior formation of the three minds by the Nembutsu devotee. In so doing, Shinran conceived the idea that the minds necessary to assure the validity of practice and enlightenment are in actuality all endowed by Amida Buddha through his own merit and compassion. Consequently, the minds are already there in essence without the devotee's effort to create them. Paradoxically, they are even there when they are denied! Denial is, in effect, affirmation of their operation. Shinran and Yuienbo both lamented that they did not enjoy the prospect of going to the Pure Land. This means that they did not feel they had one of the three essential minds yokusho, or desire for birth in the Pure Land. Yet Shinran took the awareness of this lack in himself and Yuienbo as a sign that they were actually assured of birth in the Pure Land, telling Yuienbo:

Not wanting to go quickly to the Pure Land, or becoming forlorn with thoughts of death when even slightly ill, is also the activity of our blind passions. It is hard for us to abandon this old home of suffering where we have been wandering from distant past kalpas down to the present, and we feel no longing for the Pure Land of peace, where we have never been born. This is indeed because our blind passions are so intense. But even though we feel regret at parting from this world, when our karmic bonds to it run out and, for all our powers, our life ends, we shall go to that land. Amida pities especially the person who lacks the aspiration to go to the Pure Land quickly. Hence I feel all the more that the Great Vow of great compassion is to be entrusted to, and that my birth is settled.

For Shinran, the recognition of one's passion-ridden mortality is the sign of salvation. In a similar way, he confessed that he lacked purity and sincerity, which were the requisite minds for practice in traditional Buddhist thought. Yet, here too his salvation was assured, and he gave thanks for it in his response to the Name that calls: Namu Amida Butsu.

It is clear that for Shinran the reality and spirit of salvation lies beyond the formal, measurable, and even psychological criteria or qualifications which traditional Buddhism and society employed to mark off the good people from the bad. In its system of gradations of various kinds, such as the nine grades of being in the "Meditation Sutra," Buddhism has a tendency to hierarchy. All this was virtually rejected by Shinran. For him the essence of truth, the core of reality of Buddhism, is that there is only one grade of being: the passion-ridden mortal.

In our own age, as in his, Shinran's principles have profound implications for religious existence. Amida's Vow transcends any form of discrimination. It is itself all sufficing, beyond good and evil. The Nembutsu is "neither a religious practice nor a good act," as Shinran declares (in "Tannisho"). Everything emerges out of formless nature, without calculation on the part of beings. Shinran rejects all forms of calculation and scheming.

This spirit was manifested in the democratic character of the early Shinshu order. The basic issues of Shinran's thought stimulated a variety of disputes in the early community. Many of these have been taken up in the "Tannisho" which indicates Yuienbo's effort to maintain Shinran's spirit.

Later, with the development of a more structured and defined religious life, Shinshu followers often felt anxiety concerning the moment of faith which Shinran describes as that natural arising of spiritual attributes that make faith a transforming reality in one's entire life. As the centuries passed, and Jodo Shinshu became an inherited faith, among its followers moments of release or great spiritual elevation were perhaps more rare. The exceptions were those wondrously good people, the myokonin.

Every religion has some point of anxiety, an unresolved point of tension, as the theory seeks to come to life in the person. Since Amida's salvation is not self-determined or created, the question arises as to when and how it takes place. Assurance of salvation was a recurrent need from the time of Kakunyo onward. There had already appeared the heresy called Zenchishiki-danomi -- reliance on a teacher who gave such assurance. Rennyo later also rejected such an approach, and insisted that through the development of the ecclesiastical system of the institution itself, members could be assured. It was from this position there evolved the stance similar to Honen's that just to listen to the Dharma is sufficient, and all will take care of itself. Rennyo states:

"A rock is a thing of hardness and water is a thing of softness. Yet water can gouge out a rock. If your heart is really set on the path of enlightenment, there is no stopping, it can be accomplished. So it is said in ancient words. Even though you are of no faith, if you will listen attentively and soak the teachings of the Buddha Dharma into your heart, then because of the great compassion of the Buddha, you would attain faith in time. Therefore, to truly listen to the Buddha Dharma is the ultimate way." [1]

In the light of the historical development of Shin Buddhism, what is most significant about Shinran's teaching is the style of religious life it suggests beyond the technicalities of doctrinal definitions. This style can be described as non-authoritarian, non-judgmental, non-discriminating, non-exploitive, non-dogmatic. Shinran himself was critical, determined, humane, empathetic, and nurturing. His "Kyogyoshinsho," "Letters," the "Tannisho," and other records of incidents and words from his life such as Kakunyo's "Kudensho and Shujisho," all provide insight into his religious style.

The most concentrated and in modern times, most influential has been the "Tannisho." A review of the issues taken up by Shinran and Yuienbo in the "Tannisho" will be helpful to glimpse again Shinran's spirit.

In "Tannisho" section X, in a terse statement, Shinran focuses on the spiritual nature of Nembutsu which indicates that it cannot be subjected to human motivations, goals, and desires. In its way, Nembutsu faith is transcendent to any human manipulation, discrimination or judgment. This perspective is reinforced by the passage from the "Kyogyoshinsho" on the Great Sea of Faith:

"In reflecting on the ocean of great shinjin, I realize that there is no discrimination between the noble and humble, or black robed monks and white clothed laity, no differentiation between between man and woman, old and young. The amount of evil one has committed is not considered, the duration of any performance of religious practices is of no concern. It is a matter of neither practice nor good acts, neither sudden attainment' nor gradual attainment, neither meditative practice nor non-meditative practice, neither right contemplation nor wrong contemplation, neither thought nor no thought, neither daily life nor the moment of death, neither many calling nor once-calling. It is simply shinjin that is inconceivable, inexplicable, and indescribable. It is like the medicine that eradicates all poisons. The medicine of the Tathagata's Vow destroys the poisons of our wisdom and foolishness" ("Collected Works of Shinran," p. 107 #51 ("Kyôgyôshinshô").

On the basis of this perspective, Shinran and Yuienbo oppose legalism, moralism and self-righteousness in Shin Buddhism.

Chapter XII describes an attempt by some followers to claim that their study gave them greater assurance of rebirth and thus are able to criticize those not so learned. Yuienbo point out that merely reading texts does not mean that one has grasped their meaning. In fact, (as Shinran showed in one letter, Shinshu Shogyozensho II, 664-65) he indicates that learning may be an obstacle to salvation. In a very significant passage, Yuienbo urges that scholarship be used to assist others who may have less ability in understanding the teaching. The de-emphasis on study was not at all to encourage ignorance, but rather to make clear the object and intent of faith. He particularly rejected those who, in their arrogance, put others down:

"Whosoever threatens those who happen simply to utter the Nembutsu in accord with the Vow, by saying 'You ought to study; and so forth, is a devilish hindrance to the Dharma as well as a deadly foe of the Buddha.' Such a man not only lacks faith in the Other-Power, but also misleads others." [2]

Chapter XIII gets into issues of moralism and faith. There were some who emphasized performance of moral deeds, perhaps as a buttress to their faith. These people probably reacted against the opposite party who held that "since the purpose of the Vow was to save those who had committed evils, one should do evil on purpose to make it the cause for birth." [3] As Yuienbo indicates, Shinran taught that salvation cannot depend on maintaining precepts or on breaking them. Invoking Shinran's view of karma as the sole determinant of our doing good or evil in this life, there is nothing to be proud or fearful about. Yet in certain temples of the time, people had gone so far as to hang signs announcing that those who committed certain sins could not enter. Yuienbo quoted Shinran's comment on such hypocrisy:

"Wouldn't they just be outwardly pretending to be wise, good, and diligent, while inwardly cherishing deceit and falsehood"? [4]

Both parties, the moralists and the "immoralists," had passions and impurity. They were all moved by their egos and attempted to show their superiority, one to the other.

Chapter XIV takes up the problem of the number of Nembutsu recitations that may lead to salvation. Is it one or many? Also, the emphasis is on purification of sins. Here, Yuienbo indicates the deep spirituality of the teaching by stressing that once having been embraced by Amida's light, all Nembutsu are said in gratitude. To talk of purifying sin by Nembutsu is a view of self-power. Nembutsu is not a means or a tool.

Chapter XV takes up the claim by some that they had attained enlightenment in this life. As a guard against arrogance and pride in religion, Yuienbo asserted Shinran's view of future birth in the Pure Land. Buddhahood in this life is a mirage.

Chapter XVI relates the issue of repentance for evils. Some advocated such repentance when conflicts arose. However, Yuienbo indicates that this reflects the moralistic approach which assumes that good people are more assured of salvation. He shows that when we have proper faith in the Vow, its influence in illuminating the limitations of our natures and the openness it induces does act to improve behavior.

Birth is attained through Amida's compassionate means, when Faith is firmly established. Hence. our own contrivance is not to be involved. If we look up to the Vow-Power all the more as we realize our evilness, the feeling of tenderness and forbearance will arise in us as a course of nature.

In anything related to Birth, we should, without clever thoughts always remind ourselves fondly of our deep indebtedness to Amida's benevolence. Then the Nembutsu is uttered. This is the natural outcome. Non-contrivance on our side is called "naturalness." This, indeed, is the Other-Power. Yet, I have heard that some people talk, with a pedantic air, that there is another "naturalness." How deplorable it is!

Chapter XVIII takes up an interesting issue in which it was asserted by some members that somehow one's ultimate vision of the Buddha was correlated to the size of one's offering to the Buddha. This view apparently derived from the idea that, as indicated in some texts, a loud Nembutsu causes one to see a large Buddha and a small Nembutsu a small Buddha. In answer to this, Yuienbo emphasized the spirituality of giving. If a thing is given without faith, it is nothing. The size of the offering has no relation to the depth of reality of faith.

While these various issues have doctrinal implications and backgrounds in Pure Land and Shinshu teaching, when we put them all together we see that Shinran, and Yuienbo as his representative, strongly resisted any attempt to establish criteria of faith which could be applied externally. Neither wisdom, moral activity, offering money, repenting, or number of Nembutsu serve to adequately indicate the presence of faith. Religion is not a matter of externals nor of judgment and measurements, but a deep inner condition which leads a person to reflect realistically on his life and relationships with others.

When we consider the ritualistic, hierarchical, moralistic background of Confucianism which pervaded Japanese society, as it had Chinese, these considerations of religious existence are nothing short of astounding for the time and place. They are still astounding in our own time and our own place for with us, too, religion is either considered as a social function, a means to social status and acceptance, or a means to advance personal interests of one sort or another. The idea of giving money to see a larger Buddha in particular points to a view of religion as a tool to enhance one's ego. This is parallel to the way people today spend great sums of money to get peace of mind and power. Yuienbo's view that religion is not morality or ethics is significant to our times, especially when he indicates that religion does bring subtle change to the whole personality and undoubtedly influences one's actions and attitudes.

For Yuienbo as for Shinran, religion is the fundamental basis for human action, because it is a matter of the spirit which shapes the action and relations we maintain in the world. In this connection, we should carefully note for Shinshu's role in the modern world that Shinran carried forward the ancient Buddhist iconoclasm when he broke with hypocrisy, complacency, and formalism in religion. He attempted to develop an egoless religion of search and freedom rather than an egoistic religion of security and self-satisfaction. The fact that we cannot be totally sure of the movement of faith, that we may even have feelings which appear contrary to it, should keep us open for self-reflection, for sharing with others in mutual understanding and acceptance of each other as we are. In all of this, and in the rejection of formal criteria by which we impose our judgments and trips on others, Shinran's way -- in his time and ours -- is a way of honesty and true freedom.

This freedom is not merely a freedom from something þ from anxiety, from passions, from authority, etc. It is a state of being. It is "natural." It is the freedom of the unobstructed single path (Mugeichido) when we do not put obstacles in others' way, and they do not put obstacles in our way. When we are all open to each other, there is freedom; to be what we can be on the deepest level, not in isolation but through the mutual support and compassion of others. In this way, nonduality and interdependence are translated to existential reality in vital fellowship.

To remove the validity of external criteria as the basis of evaluating people means to relinquish external control over the individual. It implies the creation of fellowship rather than organization. As there is "the reason beyond reason" in Shinran's thought, a "non-practice practice" or a "non-good good," so there must be a non-ecclesiastical fellowship which has form but no form. Only in this way can spirit truly transcend form while yet uniting with it.

Another significant statement of Shinran which placed him awry of traditional Confucianism, and perhaps also awry of conventional Japanese understanding, was his assertion reported by Yuienbo in "Tannisho," chapter VI: "I, Shinran, have no disciple of my own." Or, more strongly, "I have not even one disciple." Obviously, Shinran appears to have disciples, people whom he worked with and instructed, one of whom was "Tannisho's" author, Yuienbo. Such followers held Shinran in the highest respect and regard. So what could his statement "I have not even one disciple" mean?

In traditional Buddhism, the disciple system (Deshi) has been important in ensuring orthodoxy and transmission of the teaching. A person's status and position often depended on who was his teacher. In Japan, the disciple system was, and still is, central to many activities such as the various arts, all of which focus on a particular teacher and his successors (Iemoto).

The relationship between master and student was one of the five relations central to traditional Chinese Confucianism, which also permeated the social structure of Japan. Every aspect of ancient life revolved about authority and respect or submission to authority.

"I have not even one disciple." I know of no comparable statement in the history of Buddhism, or in the history of Japan. This unique statement is entirely consistent, however, with Shinran's view as to how faith arises in the person through the power of the Vow. Shinran sees all men radiated or illumined equally by the light and power of the Vow. His faith, yours, and mine, come from the same source. It is not a question of its being transmitted by one person to another. Shinran is not unaware of course that the condition for the arising of faith in him was contingent on Honen, that Honen was contingent on Shan tao and Shan tao on Sakyamuni and ultimately back to Amida Buddha. This was an historical transmission. Quite different, and the crucial point here, is the illumination of the Vow in our own experience which then confirms that tradition, and it was in respect to this crucial point that Shinran made his radical statement of "no disciples."

In Shinran's religious perspective, the teacher does not stand above the disciple. They are all on the same footing, sharing in the same truth and life. I believe this statement, "I, Shinran, have not one disciple" has importance in religion and in education today. It relates to both students and faculty, laymen and clergy. If there is "neither priest nor layman," there can then be neither teacher nor disciple. The problem of contemporary education is the lack of mutuality between the teacher and the student. Very few see themselves engaged in a common enterprise of learning and entering deeply into truth. The alienation that has distorted our general social life is also present in the structure of our educational and religious institutions. The teacher stands on a podium and the clergy in a pulpit -- six feet above (in contradiction) to those he teaches.

To meet this situation there have been a whole host of contemporary movements and methods based on group dynamics, sensitivity activity to try to bring people together over their boundaries of personality, sex, status, etc. However, we can see in Shinran a philosophical and religious basis for engaging in such relations based in the identity we have with each other through the Vow of Amida and its enabling us to become expressions of that compassion in the world.

Shinran, through his marriage, family life, and sharing the difficulties of life in ordinary society with his associates, broke down the barriers of status and prestige that attend religious figures. While his own disciples might elevate him (as indeed they have) it was not his own desire or effort. One of the most touching incidents which demonstrates the way in which Shinran identified with his disciples is given by Yuienbo in chapter IX of "Tannisho," when Yuienbo confesses that he believes in the Pure Land but has no desire to go there quickly:

"'I recite the Nembutsu (which saves me). But my heart is not full of joy and delight, nor am I anxious to be reborn in haste into the Pure Land. What can be the cause?' This is the question asked of me. Even I, Shinran, once had this doubt. Now Yuien-bo, are you also in the state of mind? Upon deep consideration, however, we should deem ourselves surer of Rebirth in the Pure Land on the very ground that our mind, which should so rejoice that we would leap skyhigh and dance on earth, yet does not rejoice. Having foreseen this, the Buddha called up 'the beings torn by sin.' Thus we become aware that the merciful Vow of Amida Buddha is just for such beings as we are. Hence I feel more hopeful."

In a similar vein, in the "Kyogyoshinsho" Shinran had written:

"Truly I know. Sad is it that I, Gutoku Ran, sunk in the vast sea of lust and lost in the great mountain of desire for fame and profit, do not rejoice in joining the group of the Rightly Established State, nor do I enjoy coming near to the True Enlightenment. What a shame! What a sorrow!" [5]

These incidents in which Shinran confesses his own bombu condition show that as an ethical and personal principle, Shinran avoided authoritarian and externally imposed standards of conduct. He desired a person to develop from within on the basis of his own faith, through his own spiritual process and not depending on Shinran as an external authority.

In relation to issues that arose from immoral, antinomian behavior within his fellowship, Shinran urged them to consider their acts and not turn their freedom into license. His principle was that we do not take poison merely because there is an antidote. In some cases he counseled that fellowship might be broken with a recalcitrant individual who persisted in doing evil. The withdrawal was for the purpose of preventing the movement from being misunderstood and giving rise to further oppression from the state. If one were to consider these aspects inconsistent with Shinran's general approach, it is probably true. However, we must evaluate his thought and actions on the basis of the deepest elements which they reveal and not on the more superficial features that the pressure of the times might have required.

In relation to modern ethical thought, Shinran's outlook may be supported by, and correlated with, the approach of "situation-ethics" which gained considerable notoriety in previous years in Christian circles. This ethical perspective rejects all objectivistic, legalistic moralities sanctioned by communal relations or traditional, authoritarian religious prescriptions and replaces them by an inwardly-generated sensitivity to the needs of the other based on love and compassion.

The structure of the religious life that can be perceived in Shinran's teaching is significant for its similar rejection of legalism and moralism and for its basing one's way of life on inward awareness of finitude and gratitude. This religious philosophy and life may well be termed "the religion beyond good and evil" which means giving up the conscious moralistic distinction of good and evil as the means of comparing ourselves with others (where the comparison is usually favorable to us). In such a religious philosophy and life, rather than being a barrier or division, religion becomes a force to unite and bring people together.

Religion should not reinforce our problems by cultivating attitudes in believers such as egocentrism, self-righteousness, lack of concern for others, and divisive perspectives. To some it may seem that we have placed too great a stress on the ethical element in religion and Shinran's thought. This is perhaps an eminently western trait. Yet, if we consider it, man expresses himself in terms of thought or action. The three basic Buddhist categories that religion is to influence are body, mouth, and mind. Religion thus pertains to the total man, and he is a man in relation to others. Actions, words, and attitudes are important indicators of the nature and quality of one's religion. Although in traditional thought the concern may have been more otherworldly, each age has its own needs. Our age needs a creative view of life that will bring fragmented lives and societies together in the here and now of this world of today.

Shinran's community did not continue to operate completely by his insight on these points. To understand why not, we must look to the historical and social factors in the background of Japanese history. It has to be noted that Shinran's approach is not institutional. When institutionalized, much of that approach is lost. Institution, however, has been necessary to transmit the tradition, yet such a faith is difficult to institutionalize because it depends on close, intimate personal relations of individuals who live their lives in deep awareness of their own limits and the compassion of the Vow.

The dilemma of Shin Buddhists, aware of the essence of Shinran's thought, sensitive to the de-emphasis of certain crucial points by the institution that exists to transmit and propagate Shinran's teaching, is the nature of the conflict between the orthodoxy of traditional Honganji and those who wish to refresh and reform Honganji by returning to the source, the viewpoint and writings of Shinran himself. Beyond the seemingly obstructive nature of institutionalization, the value of Shin Buddhism, its relevance to contemporary men and women still lies -- as it did in the time of Shinran and Yuienbo -- in the personal validation of the experience of faith, the realization and actualization of Amida's compassion in one's life, and the spontaneous response of Nembutsu in awareness of and gratitude for Amida's grace.

Multiple Choice Questions

1. The development of the Pure Land tradition was an attempt to:

a) spiritualize Buddhism and open it up to the common people
b) make Buddhism dependent upon intellect and religious capacity
c) place Buddhism under the control of the state

2. For Shinran, lack of the desire to go to the Pure Land was indication that:

a) he was yet to be touched by Amida's compassion b) he was actually assured of birth in the Pure Land c) his blind passions were obstructing the way to the Pure Land

3. Buddhism has had a tendency to hierarchy. Shinran dealt with this problem by:

a) defining the separate roles of priests, scholars, and laypeople b) striving to reach the top of the hierarchical ladder c) rejecting all forms of discrimination and scheming

4. Shinran's religious style of life can be described as:

a) non-authoritarian, non-discriminating, and non-dogmatic b) moralistic, legalistic, and highly judgmental c) soft, weak, and unquestioning

5. What stance did Shinran take on the issue of moralism and faith?

a) people should perform good deeds as a buttress to their faith b) people should do evil on purpose in order to receive Amida's compassion c) salvation cannot depend on maintaining precepts or on breaking them

6. In totality, the issues presented in the "Tannisho" reveal to us the fact that Shinran and Yuienbo:

a) believed that moral activity, recitation of the Nembutsu, and repentance were signs of true faith b) resisted any attempt to establish criteria of faith which could be applied and enforced externally by others c) discouraged people from engaging in critical thinking

7. In saying "I have not even one disciple," Shinran was declaring that:

a) no one could follow in his footsteps b) the teacher does not stand above the disciple c) none of his followers were loyal enough to be called disciples

8. Shinran's philosophy and life may well be termed "the religion beyond good and evil" because it:

a) avoids the problem of good versus evil b) gives up the conscious moralistic distinction of good and evil as a source of pride c) has nothing to do with ethics or morality

Thought Questions

1. "Religion," writes the author, "is not a matter of externals nor of judgment and measurements, but a deep inner condition which leads a person to reflect realistically on his life and relationships with others." What is your personal reaction to this definition of religion? Does it make sense to you? Would you add anything to it? How well does this definition apply to the religion of Shinran and Yuienbo?

2. It could be said that Shinran attempted to develop an "egoless religion." What is this "egoless religion" and what potential does it hold for people today?

3. Considering the culture and times in which Shinran lived, why is his statement "I have not even one disciple" so radical? Furthermore, do you think this concept can be applied to the education system today? What would be the benefits of such an application?

4. What did Shinran and Yuienbo say about ethics and morals and their relationship to the religious life? The author mentions the approach of "situation ethics" which has gained considerable notoriety in previous years in Christian circles. Can you think of some ethical problems today to which Shinran's approach could be applied?

5. Because of its very nature, Shinran's approach to religion is not institutional. Yet, it is a fact that the institution has been necessary for the transmission of the tradition. What steps do you think the institution can take to keep the spirit of Shinran alive?

Bibliography

Bloom, Alfred: "Tannisho: Resource for Modern Living"

Kiyozawa, Manshi: (Nobuo Haneda, tr.) "December Fan"

Tannisho Kenkyukai, "Perfect Freedom in Buddhism"

Notes

[1] Rinban Kimura, "The Meaning of True Living," American Buddhist, March 1973, p. 17

[2.] Ibid., p. 4

[3.] Ibid., p. 51

[4.] Ibid., p. 53

[5.] Ryukoku Translation Series V, "Kyogyoshinsho," p. 132

 

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