Streams of Tradition:
Buddhism, East to West

Chapter Three ... "Chinese Buddhist Tradition: Harmony with Reality"

    Buddhism entered China perhaps as early as the first century BCE  through the first century CE. It was carried by monks and merchants  who made their way along trade routes from India through Central Asia to China. There is a legend of the Han Emperor Ming (58-75 CE) who, inspired by a dream, sent envoys to seek out Buddhism. The earliest historical evidence is a rescript of one Hsiang-k'ai to Emperor Huan (147-167 CE) admonishing the Emperor for his hypocrisy of worshipping Huang-lao and Buddha without reforming his life. [1]

    After Buddhism entered China, for over several centuries many Buddhist texts were translated and commentaries written. Though at first confused with Taoism, Buddhist teaching gradually became more accurately understood and absorbed into Chinese culture.

    Buddhism brought to China an Indian view of reality and life which both contradicted the Chinese understanding but also amplified it. The Chinese were more realistic and empirical in their approach to life. However, Buddhism contradicted Chinese interpretations of the world by viewing the common world of  experience as a product of minds deluded by the passions. It was a delusory world. Truth was to be found in a world of transcendent experience beyond this world. Enlightenment would reveal the emptiness of things, devoid of substantiality and intrinsic value. Everything was contingent, based on the principle of the interdependence of things and lack of a self-existing nature.

    The monastic life required to achieve enlightenment also went against Chinese values based in family life and participation in society. The individualism of Buddhism contradicted the fulfillment of filial piety and communal obligations, highly prized in China.

    Buddhism, however, augmented the Chinese view of life with  the teachings of karma, transmigration and a wealth of symbols and myths. The morality supported by karma, adding the dimension of retribution through transmigration and various hells, harmonized with Confucian ethic, though Confucianism had little concern with religious beliefs and needs of ordinary people for healing, prosperity, success or assurance about the afterlife. Taoist religion and philosophy also native to China, mainly focused on this-worldly concerns. Where Chinese traditions focused on this life, Buddhism claimed to fulfill life here and give hope to people concerning their future life after death.

    In the course of several centuries Buddhism gradually integrated itself into Chinese life. The different views of life, Indian and Chinese  interacted at various levels in Chinese society and gave rise to  several significant traditions or schools such as the Ch'an (J. Zen from Skt. Dhyana, meditation) and Pure Land (Ch. Ching-t'u; J. Jodo). While the Pure Land was more otherworldly in focus, the Ch’an advocated acceptance of this world and achieving enlightenment now, rather than in a distant Pure Land.

    While Buddhism was in some ways at odds with Chinese society, it had a great attraction for people, high and low, educated and uneducated. Its philosophy drew more intellectuals and scholars, while its mythology, magical elements and brilliant metaphors stirred the imaginations of ordinary people. Along with religious Taoism, Buddhism offered means to gain health, wealth and spiritual security in this world or to overcome misfortune. Buddhist philosophy and monasticism reinforced interest in Taoist philosophy for those who suffered in the downfall of kingdoms or social upheavals and sought for personal spiritual freedom and emancipation from worldly burdens.

    Although Buddhism was gradually absorbed into Chinese culture, there were criticisms of its beliefs and practices by Taoist and Confucian exponents. Buddhist teachers maintained that there was no essential conflict between the three traditions of Taoism, Confucianism and Buddhism. They argued that the Chinese teachings focused on life in this world, while Buddhism offered hope for the hereafter. Buddhism’s stress on the principle of interdependence lessened egoism and supported social life. It emphasized the similarities between the Chinese teachings and Buddhism, viewing the Buddhist concept of the Absolute as comparable to the Taoist teachings of non-being and being; the distinction of samsara (the world of births and deaths) and nirvana paralleled the world of action and non-action in Taoism. The arhat, a Buddhist sage figure resembled the Taoist immortals, while the five precepts of Buddhism matched the five virtues of Confucianism. Though monastic life contradicted the Chinese ideal of family, Buddhists argued that the monks fulfilled filial piety by caring for the destinies of departed  loved ones. Despite opposition and occasional persecutions, Buddhism spread among the masses encouraging the people with a profound vision of compassion and spiritual emancipation.

    Buddhists responded to the criticisms by engaging in social welfare work, establishing pawn shops known as "inexhaustible" treasuries. Monks provided medicine for the poor and aided the sick and starving. They constructed hostels, roads, wells, bridges, and planted trees. In cities the temples provided open spaces for recreation.

    From the start, in addition to Indian monks who came to China, Buddhism attracted some of China's best minds. We should note just a few of the earliest. Tao-an (312-385) studied metaphysics and meditation. His interests extended to problems of translation, cataloguing sutras and rules of discipline. Hui-yuan (344-416) was noted for his discussions on karma and the indestructibility of the soul. He argued for the independence of the Buddhist Order, maintaining that monks should not bow before kings. The monk Tao-sheng (360-434) advanced theories which eventually became hallmarks of Chinese Buddhism, such as the doctrines of instantaneous enlightenment and universal Buddha nature. Seng-chao (374-414) was an outstanding interpreter of the philosophy of Nagarjuna which he had learned as a disciple of the famous Indian missionary Kumarajiva (in Chang-an, 401-413). Hsuan-tsang (596-664) achieved eminence as a pilgrim to India, translator and commentator. Chi-tsang (549-623) systematized the philosophical Middle Path (Madhyamika) teaching of Nagarjuna and earned the reputation of being one of the most virtuous monks.

    Buddhist teachings flowed unsystematically into China from India. As a result, their diverse tendencies gave rise to a variety of schools and interpretations. The history of the formation of Buddhist schools divides into two periods. The initial period was known as the age of the "Six Schools and Seven Branches." During the second stage, the encouragement and support of Buddhist scholarship by the Sui and T'ang emperors led to the formation of more distinct and well-defined systems of Buddhist teaching which had enduring significance. This age marks the zenith of Buddhist intellectual leadership, influencing Chinese culture deeply and reflecting the gradual assimilation of Buddhism to the Chinese mind.

    We cannot go into great detail on these trends, but the first scholarly movement in the "Six Schools and Seven Branches" exhibited the two basic interests of early Chinese Buddhism in meditation and prajna, or wisdom. Influenced by the contemporary ascendancy of Neo-Taoism, there was a concern for the nature of ultimate reality and its relation to things.

    The later major schools of Chinese Buddhism developed during the T'ang age (616-906) in an endeavor to interpret Buddhism on its own terms. Ten schools emerged of which five had distinct Indian character and were limited in their overall influence on the Chinese mentality. More consonant with Chinese spirit were the T'ien-t'ai, Hua-yen, Ch'an, and Ching t'u schools, which have had wide influence in Japan as well as China. The Mantra or Cheng-yen (Shingon) school, which developed more fully in Tibet, did not become fully systematized in China but was absorbed into the traditions of other schools.

    The transformation of Indian Buddhism into Chinese Buddhism appeared as early as Seng-chao, the famous Madhyamika teacher and Fa-tsang (643-712) who expounded a complex philosophical system based on the Wreath or Garland Sutra (Avatamsaka [Hua-yen] Sutra). Seng-chao  asserted: "Reality is wherever there is contact with things." [2] In Fa-tsang's famous parable of the golden lion presented before Empress Wu (684-705) we have a striking illustration of the ability of Buddhist teachers to render abstruse doctrines intelligible through analogies from the everyday world.

    Their views contrasted with the Indian emphasis on the delusive character of the world motivating withdrawal. Chinese Buddhists were critical of the Indian tradition for attempting to abolish the spiritual domination of the world over man by doing away with the world. For the Chinese, wisdom was not divorced from the things of the world but rather wisdom revealed their true nature. Chinese Buddhism became world-affirming.

    According to Fa-tsang, the ultimate teaching of Buddhism was the principle of the mutual interpenetration (identity) of all things as a result of their being manifestations of the one, all-embracing Buddha-mind. Things in the world had a degree of reality as expressions of the absolute Buddha-mind within things. The teaching combined logical and psychological insight, making it one of the most influential philosophies in Chinese and Japanese Buddhism. It not only synthesized major philosophical currents in Mahayana thought, but its universal vision and ideal of mutuality within the whole inspired mystical endeavor and contained socio-political implications.

    The face of Chinese Buddhism began to show itself in the formation of the T'ien-t'ai school, whose name was taken from the mountain in South China where the founder Chih-i (531-597) resided. His character, depth of learning, and intellectual power have been unparalleled in Chinese Buddhist history. The central texts for this school was the Lotus Sutra (Fa-hua-ching). Its teaching combined the central Mahayana doctrines of universal Buddha nature, mutual interpenetration of all things, and the theory of instantaneous enlightenment into a unified system.

    Chih-i created a system of teaching which gave a place to each  of the many teachings that had flowed into China, claiming to be the direct teaching of the Buddha. He developed a comprehensive historical-doctrinal organization of Buddhist texts and teachings which came to be known as the theory of "Five Periods and Eight Doctrines." Within the framework of Buddha's lifetime, Chih-I determined the order of Buddhist texts and teachings, ranging from the most elementary in Hinayana Buddhism to the final Mahayana teaching in the Lotus and the Nirvana Sutras.

    Chih-i's theory represented growth in the depth and breadth of Buddhist insight on the nature of Enlightenment. The criteria for evaluating doctrines reflected pedagogical and mystical insight, implying a theory of religious development. In its systematic and scholarly approach, it sought for unity and coherence in Buddhism. Its wholistic philosophy, expressed in the teaching of the realization of "three thousand things in one moment (or instant) of thought," proclaimed, like the Hua-yen philosophy, that everything is the essence of every other thing from the standpoint of ultimate reality. Consequently, this philosophy also asserted the importance and reality of the things of this world as embodiments of the universal Buddha-nature.

    Ch'an (Zen) Buddhism appeared as the culmination of several trends within Chinese Buddhism. Combining Buddhism and Taoist iconoclasm, it opposed the scholasticism and lifeless formalism of T'ang Buddhism. Through the discipline of meditation, it strove to realize personally the principles of universal Buddha-nature and instantaneous enlightenment within oneself. It fused the Taoist love of Nature with the Buddhist attainment of egolessness and non-duality. Seeking the qualities of naturalness and spontaneity it achieved the complete assimilation of Buddhism within the Chinese spirit.

    The term ch'an, or zen in Japanese, is the word dhyana, meaning "meditation" in Sanskrit. Because meditation was from the beginning the heart of Buddhism, Ch'an claimed to be the most essential aspect of Buddhist life. Originally meditation involved the practices of regulated sitting, breathing exercises and mental exercises designed to still the passions and bring discursive thought to a halt. Under the influence of Taoism, meditation aimed at instantaneous enlightenment. Going beyond the negative effort to abolish passions and stop thought, Chinese Ch’an Buddhists aspired to realize their identity with the absolute reality expressed through the world of Nature. The experience of oneness both revealed the uniqueness of things and also the oneness of all things in Buddha-nature.

    As a specific tradition in Chinese Buddhism, Ch'an had a long history. Though shrouded in conflicting legends there appeared numerous schools claiming to transmit the true doctrine and practice of Ch'an. The main divisions were the Northern school, derived from the monk Shen-hsiu (605-706) who is described as maintaining a gradualist approach to enlightenment, while the Southern school, stemming from Hui-neng (638-713), who emphasized instantaneous enlightenment. In the contest between these two factions the Southern school became the main stream of tradition for present schools. The basic text for this tradition was the Platform Sutra attributed to Hui-neng.

    The spiritual revolution urged by Ch'an rejected emphasis on external religious activities such as building temples, giving alms and offerings, or mechanically reciting sutras. True merit in Ch'an meant "inwardly [to] see the Buddha nature; outwardly, practice reverence." The rejection of externality and formality was carried further by the monk I-hsuan (d. 867), founder of the Lin-chi (J. Rinzai school). He declared that the essence of Buddhism was simply the natural way of life, stating: "Seekers of the Way! In Buddhism no effort is necessary. All one has to do is to do nothing except to move his bowels, urinate, put on his clothing, eat his meals, and lie down if he is tired." [3] I-hsuan's radical rejection of externalities inspired his famous demand:

"Kill the Buddha if you happen to meet him. Kill a patriarch or arhat if you happen to meet him. Kill your parents or relatives if you happen to meet them. Only then can you be free, not bound by material things, and absolutely free and at ease." [4]

    An alternative school of Ch'an is the Ts'ao-tung (J. Soto), formed by the monk Liang-chieh (807-869). The major difference between these two schools, united in aim and philosophy, was the method undertaken to attain enlightenment. The Lin-chi employed a method whereby the disciple was catapulted into enlightenment through pondering a riddle (kung-an, koan) and subjection to physical shock by means of a shout or blow causing the individual to release his grip on reason. The Ts'ao-tung school was more tranquil and emphasized quiet meditation under the direction of master which would lead to the realization of one's Buddha-nature.

    Several principles characterize the Ch’an spiritual perspective.

    The first principle, that "the highest truth or first principle is inexpressible," indicates that Ch'an strives for an experience of reality beyond words and is not satisfied with merely conceptual knowledge.

    The second principle, is "spiritual cultivation cannot be cultivated." This a paradoxical assertion emphasizing the fact that religious endeavors which may begin on the conscious level must eventually be made second nature and part of the instinctive, spontaneous reactions of our personalities.

    The third principle, is that "in the last resort nothing is gained." This refers to the fact that the world is not abolished, nor are we transferred to another realm by the fact of enlightenment. The true existence of this world is affirmed in all its depth. However, our understanding is transformed.

    The fourth principle states: "There is not much in Buddhist teaching." This is not to be taken as an expression of doubt or unbelief. Rather, it is a declaration that concepts, doctrines, and words are inferior to the experience of enlightenment itself.

    The whole attempt of Buddhist discipline, generally, is to actualize in experience what is learned in concept. Related to these principle also is the claim that Ch'an Buddhism is a transmission beyond scriptures. There are, of course, scriptures and important texts, but the experience to which Ch'an aspires is not gained from books but through persons.

    The fifth principle declares that "in carrying water and chopping wood: therein lies the wonderful Tao." It is a vivid comment on the texture of religious existence. Ch'annists have developed their specific forms of education and monastic life. Nevertheless, the sentiment exists that enlightenment is not itself confined to definite practices but may come instantly in the course of carrying out the most menial tasks. As the world is the world, and Buddha-nature is universal, one may realize it anywhere.

    Ch'an stresses one's inner and ultimate identity in deep interpersonal relation with others. Artificialities are to be swept away. The emphasis on the validity of daily life as the sphere of ultimate reality and meaning also supports the individual in his quest for self-understanding.

    The final major tradition of Chinese Buddhism which we must consider is the Pure Land tradition (Ch. Ching-t'u; J. Jodo). This teaching attracted the  masses of ordinary people through its offer of a simple way to salvation through reciting the name of Amitabha (Skt.) Buddha (Ch. 0-mi-to-fo; J. Amida). The practice of reciting the name is termed nembutsu (J). The merit of the practice of recitation with sincere faith in its efficacy enables the individual to be born in the Pure Land, where he is assured of his or her eventual achievement of Nirvana or realization of Buddhahood.

    The Pure Land, according to Buddhist mythology, was created by Amitabha Buddha as the result of his Vows to save all beings and the infinite merit he acquired through aeons of practice. In the Chinese mind it represented a glorious heaven beyond the travail of this world and easily accessible by the recitation of the Buddha's name in faith. The more proficient monks meditated on vivid pictures of the Pure Land and experienced visions of their reality.

    In order to stimulate faith in the Pure Land, there also were texts depicting the alternative destiny of birth in one of many hells for those who ignored or despised that faith. These teachings coincided with belief in heavens and the quest of immortality which had developed in religious Taoist tradition.

    Pure Land teachers believed Buddha Sakyamuni taught the doctrine in three central texts, the Larger Pure Land Sutra (Wu-liang-shou-ching), the Shorter Pure Land Sutra (0-mi-t'o-ching), and the Contemplation Sutra (Kuan-wu-liang-shou-ching). These texts eventually reached China, where they gave rise to monastic forms of meditation, as well as the popular practice of reciting the name of Amitabha Buddha, though the Contemplation Sutra is thought to have been created in Central Asia or China.

    The popular line of development offering the practice of recitation came through T'an-luan (476-542) and a series of successors, the most famous and influential being Shan-tao (613-681) who systematized the doctrine. In addition, the teaching became a subsidiary aspect to the more philosophical schools such as Ch'an or T'ien-t'ai.

    The first major figure in the popular Chinese tradition was T'an-luan from the area of Wu-t'ai-shan in North China. Living in an environment infiltrated with magical religion, T'an-luan engaged upon a search for the elixir of immortality following a long illness. Having obtained texts containing formulas from a Taoist master in the south of China, he returned home. On the way, legend relates, he met the Indian monk Bodhiruci who convinced him that true everlasting life was attained through Pure Land teaching. Casting aside his Taoist texts, he became a teacher of Pure Land doctrine.

    T'an-luan promoted Pure Land teaching by joining it to the theory of the decline of Buddhism (mappo, last age in the disappearance of the dharma). According to this theory, which became basic to Pure Land doctrine in China and Japan, the purity of the Buddhist Order, doctrine, and discipline and the ability to achieve enlightenment decreased as the inspiration of Buddha receded into the historical past. Finally, the last age of the decline and disappearance of Buddhism arrived when no Buddha was present and extremes of egoism, passion, stupidity, anger, pride, and doubt dominated human life. During this age, men did not practice or attain Buddhist ideals, though the doctrine was taught.

    Consequently, T'an-luan held that ordinary mortals could achieve salvation in the degenerate last age through the recitation of Amitabha's Name. Rather than depending on one's own power (self-power), mortals had to rely on the saving power of Amitabha deposited in his name. This method of salvation was designated the "easy" way in contrast to the "difficult" ways of meditation and austerities of earlier Buddhism.

    The teaching was later systematically organized by Shan-tao, who made the practice of recitation of Buddha's name the central Buddhist discipline. Analyzing the doctrine into the method of meditation, attitudes, and conditions of practice, he developed a comprehensive interpretation of religious life. Through his writings he defended Pure Land doctrine against proponents of the more traditional modes of Buddhist discipline and set the stage for its later flourishing in Japan.

    The evolution of Pure Land teaching coincided with the Chinese tendency to affirm life in this world, despite its other-worldly emphasis. It opened the doors of salvation to the lowliest common man and reduced the path to salvation to its simplest method. Through vocal recitation, and without arduous or strict regimentation, individuals could achieve salvation, while fulfilling their family and social obligations.

    Chen-yen (J. Shingon), esoteric Buddhism, known also as Vajrayana, Mantrayana, or Tantric Buddhism, was introduced to China from India during the T'ang dynasty by several monks: Subhakarasimha, Vajrabodhi and Amoghavajra. It is based on several Sutras such as the Great Sun Buddha Sutra (Skt. Vairocana Sutra), Diamond Peak Sutra and the Susiddhi Sutra, a text on symbolic hand gestures (mudras). From China it was transmitted to Tibet as the major form of Buddhism there and also to Japan through the monks Kukai, founder of the Shingon Sect in Japan and Saicho, founder of the Tendai (T'ien-t'ai) sect.

    Its basic teaching is to enable the practitioner though practices of body, mouth and mind to attain union with the great cosmic Buddha, Mahavairocana (Dainichi nyorai), The Great Sun Buddha, who is manifest as the universe, the grand totality of reality. Through meditation on mandalas, sacred diagrams of the universe, into which one enters through a dramatic ritual with anointing like coronation. There are also mudras, symbolic hand gestures, and recitation of mantras, sacred, powerful words. Employing these practices, one achieves union in this very body and life with Buddha (J. sokushinjobutsu, becoming Buddha in this very body). Through this comprehensive and complex mystical path the devotee receives the vajra, a symbolic implement which represents spiritual empowerment and the aspiration to become enlightened in order to save all beings.

    Buddhism reached the peak of its influence in the Sui and T'ang periods, where it blossomed with great intellectual and spiritual creativity witnessed in these various schools. After the T'ang period, Buddhism experienced several persecutions, the most severe and damaging being the persecution of 845. Also Confucianism had begun to revive and spread during the T'ang age, eventually displacing Buddhist intellectual leadership. A synthesis of Buddhism and Confucianism gave rise to Neo-Confucianism as the leading philosophical influence. In contrast to the other-worldly and mystical tendencies of Buddhism, the Confucianists stressed practical efforts in the world. Ch'an emphasis on practice and discipline with its anti-intellectualism limited efforts to educate monks, thereby contributing to the waning intellectual influence of Buddhism. In modern times reformist monks such as T'ai Hsu (1889-1947) advocated the education of monks and endeavored to revive scholarly traditions.

    Despite the difficulties Buddhism encountered in its 2,500-year long history, its influence in Chinese society and culture has been extensive. It can be discerned in language, arts, literature, and philosophy, beliefs about afterlife, and festivals. Buddhism remained popular because it became largely associated with the performance of funerals and memorial services as a consequence of the promise of a glorious destiny promoted by the Pure Land cult. It provided a means to fulfill the demands of filial piety. Many Buddhist deities could be implored for aid in avoiding disaster and recovery from disease or misfortune.

    With the confrontation of China and the West, Confucians and Buddhists alike have had to struggle to discover ways to cope with the cultural crisis. In addition, Buddhists also have had to deal with skeptical and reform-minded officials who wished to seize their institutions and transform them to schools or museums. The crisis, however, served to awaken interest in Buddhism among laypeople as well as clerics who sponsored publications, lectures, and societies for the study of Buddhism. They were also moved by a desire to unite Chinese society based on Buddhist ideals as a means of meeting the modern challenge. In recent years, various movements of Chinese Buddhists have worked to demonstrate the relevance of Buddhism, religiously and socially, and performed a positive role among the people in caring for their spiritual needs.

REFERENCES:

1. Charles S. Prebish, ed. "Buddhism: A Modern Perspective." University Park, PA: Penn State University Press, 1975. p. 188

2. Wing-tsit Chan, "A Sourcebook in Chinese Philosophy," Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press, 1963.

3. Ibid., p. 445.

4. Ibid., pp. 447-448